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Null arbitrary subjects in Greek
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Sifaki, Evi (2021) Null arbitrary subjects in Greek. Lingua, 252 . 103003. doi:10.1016/j.lingua.2020.103003 ISSN 0024-3841.
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Official URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2020.103003
Abstract
The present paper investigates null arbitrary subjects in Greek that trigger either a generic or an existential interpretation. Null arbitrary subjects in Greek are permitted with 2sg, 1pl and 3pl verbal agreement. The synergy between imperfective marking alongside a clause-initial XP (overt or null) results in genericity, whereas perfective marking alongside an overt or covert clause-initial XP corroborates an existential reading. Moreover, the difference between a 2sg generic reading vs. a 2sg referential one amounts to the absence vs. the presence of a D-feature (=[definite]) on the verbal agreement morpheme/inflection (i.e. empty [d] vs. specified [d]-marked verbal agreement). Contra Alexiadou and Anagnostopoulou (1998), V-T movement is unable to delete the D-feature of the EPP on T in these arbitrary constructions. Instead, both generic and existential constructions satisfy the EPP in a uniform manner; an XP (overt or covert) merges on SpecTP and satisfies the D-feature of the EPP, whereas movement of the verb to T satisfies the remaining agreement feature bundle of T. It is further postulated that the defective verbal morphology of these constructions also satisfies an Arb-gen or an Arb-ex feature through movement to AspP.
Item Type: | Journal Article | ||||||||||
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Divisions: | Faculty of Social Sciences > Centre for Applied Linguistics | ||||||||||
Journal or Publication Title: | Lingua | ||||||||||
Publisher: | Elsevier BV | ||||||||||
ISSN: | 0024-3841 | ||||||||||
Official Date: | March 2021 | ||||||||||
Dates: |
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Volume: | 252 | ||||||||||
Number of Pages: | 30 | ||||||||||
Article Number: | 103003 | ||||||||||
DOI: | 10.1016/j.lingua.2020.103003 | ||||||||||
Status: | Peer Reviewed | ||||||||||
Publication Status: | Published | ||||||||||
Access rights to Published version: | Restricted or Subscription Access | ||||||||||
Copyright Holders: | Elsevier B.V | ||||||||||
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